This article aims to pay homage to Beatriz R. Lavandera as a recognition of the dimension of her work on discourse analysis and of what she. the linguistic variable stop? A response to Beatriz Lavandera. Lavandera, Beatriz. Where does the Madrid: Espasa Libros, S.L. Reig, Asela. 1, Madrid, Arco Libros, – Romaine, Suzanne (), On the Problem of Syntactic Variation: A Reply to Beatriz Lavandera and William Labov, Working.
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En un libro moderno leemos: Un cierto aire de desgarro y cinismo plebeyos ha soplado a su favor, y ha sido luego a libbros vez favorecido por tales influjos. If it were like this, there would be nothing wrong.
In reality, however, the mostly dialectal Italian influence, has contributed more than anything to tear apart the language of Buenos Aires and, incidentally, the languages of the area.
Phonetics, intonation, sometimes syntax, and countless words reveal the traces of these dialects. A certain air of plebeian barefacedness and cynicism has blown in their favour, and has subsequently been favoured by such influences as well. Las jergas — ce lavanderx est bien singulier.
Except for lunfardo … there is no jargon in this country. These corporations make a living of damning the jargons that they have invented themselves. This was taught in schools, and resulted in the representation of the social polyphony of the turn of the century as no more beattiz a small and irrelevant literary anecdote by as early as the s. In fact, there is broad consensus that the effects of the mass contact that characterised urban life at the turn of the kavandera left only small traces in the lexicon and the intonation of Rioplatense Spanish.
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This thematic issue of jlc provides a good opportunity to consider this case, as it is a clear example of one of the most challenging aspects in the study of historical linguistics: How can we document a phenomenon which lacks all direct registration apart from that based on lavndera imitation and the construction of prestige?
And to what extent is the analysis of a situation of language bsatriz valid if we have no more than fragments of an indirect reflection? It is necessary to make it clear in advance that our aim is not to abandon the study of such an important aspect in the sociolinguistic history of Latin America, but rather to define its characteristics and limitations.
Geatriz resulting contact variety, Cocoliche, is thought to have not persisted beyond the first generation of immigrants Goluscio de Montoya, In this case, the scenario is similar to that which beatris be observed in other cases of contact varieties involving forced mass immigration, in which the documentation of the first years of the phenomenon is nearly always scarce llibros unreliable. These were very successful, as demonstrated by the fact that the L2 was likely almost completely abandoned by the second generation.
While there is no direct information about Cocoliche available, we do have two ways of approaching the subject that prevent research from reaching a dead-end: Reflection and refraction can thus provide an image, albeit a rather blurry lavandeda, that is slightly more revealing with regard to the characteristic traits of the contact situation the inhabitants of Buenos Aires and Montevideo experienced between and This article is organised in three main, interrelated sections: Two hundred years would not be enough to mold an araucano into an English lvandera or a Swiss farmer.
The lack of men hampers Chile in several aspects of its development. Not only do we lack people who can work properly, but we also lack people who can reason and think properly: And if there had been a government capable to direct the movement of this flow of immigration, just ten years would be sufficient to heal all the wounds that ruling bandits like Facundo and Rosas have inflicted on this country. It would also be lavanderz pity if we had to change languages precisely for having taught to read to Italians who come without even knowing it.
Barbarism was now on the other side of the ocean, as the Italians learnt to read and write in American schools. Sarmiento promoted and formed the educational system during his presidency —and subsequently passed the law in establishing free, obligatory and secular public education.
He strived to develop a school that would serve the formation of a state and nation as conceived by the first Argentine liberalism, not a place of action liberated by lqvandera that were then beatfiz foreign. Depending on perspective, one can speak of this as either a successful integration or a violent mass acculturation of second generation Italians who were nearly all Argentine in terms of language and culture. How can we trace the contours of this archive?
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How can we obtain a more or less reliable image of the early years of such a unique contact situation? The existing research on the organisation of a modern Argentine nation on the basis of mass immigration points to a state possessing all the available devices necessary for the development of a monoglossic and monocultural modern nation. The first official census of the Argentine bratriz was conducted in and marks the starting point for all research on Argentine immigration, as it offers a contrastive view that enables us to appreciate the massive extent of the phenomenon at the turn of the century.
There is a very significant demographic increase visible when comparing this first census to the third, carried out in European immigration was the decisive factor in this development and the most significant group were without a doubt the Italians.
Nevertheless, the information obtainable from the results of the official censuses is relatively limited, since the questionnaires did not address the languages spoken by lacandera individuals, but only their place of birth. In the Constitution established the need to define migratory politics and guarantee immigrants the same rights as Argentine-born citizens.
Nevertheless, there were several groups of Italian, Spanish and German immigrants, among others, that formed colonies in the interior of the country, though most stayed in the large urban centres.
Inthe year the second national census was conducted, there were four lavancera inhabitants, a million of whom were foreigners, andItalian.
In Buenos Aires, the foreign citizens ca. Bythere were three foreign inhabitants above the age of 20 for every native Argentine of the same age. According to Fernando DegiovanniRojas made his entrance in the Argentinean cultural scenery at the beginning of the 20 th century, performing the interplay of reinforcing the existing prejudices regarding immigrants and the resulting loss of tradition and advocating a nationalist civil educational program in schools, in which the humanities subjects were the most important.
Instilling a different standard than the River Plate Spanish in this minority, they strengthened the distinction between a literate elite, educated to master the standard, and the rest of the population.
Which means that not every variety of the target language—and this is also the case for the mother tongues of immigrants and their children—is given the same value. In this context, it is interesting to examine the hypotheses developed in Cocoliche scholarship.
In her work, Cocoliche is depicted as a continuumhowever not a lineal one, rather as one that ranges from a single pole, the local Spanish standard L2 to the multiple starting L1s the various Italian dialects Fontanella de Weinberg, This depiction thus confirms what used to constitute a political horizon to control potentially anti-hegemonic tendencies between the new groups; the solidity of a pre-existing homogeneous language and tradition that function as a melting pot in which the differences can not only be mixed, but dissolved.
This theory helps back up the story of Argentina as a country of immigration, consistent with the image the first liberals such as Alberdi or Sarmiento desired. The historical melting pot narrative was questioned as early as the late s, especially by North American historians such as Sam Baily and Mark Szuchman Devoto, In recent years, it has also begun to be relativised in linguistics see Di Tullio, ; Ennis, The phenomenon under investigation has been difficult to grasp due to insufficient data, and thus daunting and sometimes outright dubious to reconstruct.
In order to obtain a clearer picture it is thus worthwhile to also reflect on the theoretical framework behind the reconstruction process and on its possible functions in the construction of a common sense within a specific society. As discussed above, the refraction provoked by the reaction of different sectors of the Creole society and especially of those that were able to control the State mechanisms can provide us with an image of the importance of this intense and extended contact situation.
In the same way, the success of the linguistic policies applied in the schools enable us to observe the result of this situation in the configuration of a relatively homogenous linguistic community. The forms and consequences of contact in the early years of mass immigration are almost impossible to perceive from behind this historical barrier.
A literature that exists for its own good cannot be built on these mixedlanguages. In these aforementioned languages, texts are usually obtained only in the form of transcriptions of phonetic records. Since mixed languages are, however, the most individualized form of languages, one could find various phonetic and lexical forms in almost every individual].
There are of course differences in the details determined by the different periods and perspectives of the analysis, but the general approach to the empirical material is relatively similar. Then, ina new character appeared, was fully established in the season ofand later became a permanent character in the theatrical genres sainete and grotesco criollo Cancellier,; Goluscio de Montoya, There are several linguistic characterisations of this general contact situation that have been insufficiently documented with reliable data: We believe that in order to give a precise description of the contact variety or varieties in question, one must take into account its symbolic dimension; i.
This dimension not only played an important role in the development of a popular literary genre, but also significantly determined the different communicative situations in the actual contact scenario.
It is, therefore necessary to get as clear an idea as possible of the contact situation and of the people involved; there are at least two large groups of immigrants in an unfavourable situation speaking linguistic varieties of accordingly low prestige, that is those from inland and foreigners. It is thus a form of conceptual orality cf. This is where one group of linguistic traits or another is selected and focused on, as regards how they are perceived by the writer and his or her audience cf.
In this sense, it is likely that Cocoliche varies greatly depending on the author Goluscio de Montoya, In this way, we can glimpse the traits through the eyes of the other, i. On the other hand, this form of expression is a phenomenon typical of the contact area Pratt, The practices are also related to forms of cultural contact which, in this case, are defined by the idealisation of the contact culture—accepting the model of nationality proposed by the creole melodramatic literature Prieto, In the following, we will proceed to present and describe the texts in question.
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It is acknowledged to be impossible to acquire a direct or reliable documentation of this contact situation in its original historical context; researchers have thus had to be content relying on the analysis of written corpus material, such as that mentioned above. In this article, we will present an analysis of Cocoliche in the popular creole literature at the turn of the century, an area of cultural production that has hardly been studied at all in this regard except in Ennis, and partially in Engels, The booklets we have had access to are those conserved in the Iberoamerikanisches Institut in Berlin iaiwhich are part of the collection donated to the library by Lehmann-Nitsche, a German scholar who was professor of anthropology at the Universidad de La Plata between and A small number of these booklets form the corpus cocoliche.
Cocoliche en CarnavalBuenos Aires, Rolleri, Buenos Aires, Salvador Maleta, Amores de Cocolicheby Manuel M. Las peripecias de Franciscone Cocoliche es so moquier Ludonia. Longo and Argento, s. The other part of the corpus abandons the voice of the Cocoliche character and uses that of a different character that later appeared in various forms of popular culture: Los amores de Giacumina. This story appeared for the first time in the mid s, and versions thereof can be found in verse as novellas until and were even performed in theatres.
The story is about the love affairs of Giacumina, a daughter of Genovese immigrants who live in the neighborhood of La Bocaand features several other characters; from other immigrant stereotypes English, French, Basque to the president Sarmiento himself Di Tullio, The first versions of the piece had very wide popular success and received a certain recognition in the lettered culture.
Enriqueta la criolla so historia Buenos Aires, La hija di Giacumina, per lo porteros de la casa de Matirde Buenos Aires, Los Amores di Giacumina Montevideo,2 vols. Los Amores di Giacumina Montevideo, Los Amores de Giacumina. Salvador Matera Editor, Los Amores di Giacumina Buenos Aires, These texts date back to only ten years after the official beginning of mass immigration in ; i. This data can provide, given the lack of direct sources, an image of one side—and not at all the least important side—of the early years of language contact; that is, how the voice of the Other is perceived in a way, with a certain element of self-perception, if one looks at the names of the authors identified then given back as a negative social brand.
Being integrated into the circuit of a widespread literature of low prestige according to the legitimate culture and published in cheap editions in booklet form, these publications show how linguistic stereotypes formed in the contact situation. In this context, the noteworthy content of the songbook Napolitano Cocolichewhich must be mentioned, was published anonymously as were the majority of songbooks inalthough apparently interpreted by a well-known artist.
In previous publications Ennis, we have given a detailed list of the recurring, albeit generally not uniform, characteristics of what is focused and hyperbolised in the perception of Cocoliche speech in a more reduced corpus of documents, which has the same characteristics we will present here in a more synthetic manner—although the corpus itself has been increased. Veca instead of Veganieco instead of niego nc